"People ask you a criticism, but really just want to praise"
(W. S. Maugham)
Lo scontro Fini-Berlusconi ha scoperchiato, tutt'a un tratto e come nel più squallido dei varietà pomeridiani, ciò che si celava dietro alla favola “del partito del fare”, “del 60%”, “dell'amore che vince sempre sull'invidia e sull'odio”. E cioè la meno incantevole ma più realistica immagine di un partito di carta, fondato sulla devozione (per alcuni, but above all for some, pronation) to head up a cult leader who increasingly degenerates into a veritable idolatry to a god in the flesh (or plastic) and bone, rather than on ideas, values \u200b\u200band policy proposals. A party lacks the most basic mechanisms of internal democracy, pluralism in which every day is canceled, the (few) reported dissident voices within the ranks or hunted, meritocracy viewed with suspicion and cronyism cultivated with both hands.
short, a non-party (or a full-fledged party, given the times we live in). This premise is fundamental to understanding the reasons dell'asprezza of confrontation and anger of Berlusconi.
For the first time in 15 years il Re si è accorto di dover rendere conto a qualcuno in casa propria.
Non sono tanto i contenuti delle critiche mosse da Fini, dunque, ad irritare Berlusconi. Certo, il fatto che una personaggio tutt'altro che immacolato come l'attuale presidente della Camera debba ricordare al Presidente del Consiglio di combattere le organizzazioni mafiose invece di attaccare chi, come Saviano, le denuncia, di evitare di oltraggiare quotidianamente le istituzioni di garanzia della Repubblica, di smetterla di usare giornali e tv di famiglia per combattere i nemici e reprimere il dissenso e magari (addirittura) di smetterla di possederne, la dice lunga sullo stato di salute della democrazia in Italia. Il vero problema però, trattandosi del leader di uno stato che, formally, it still says democracy is the fact that he establishes, once and for all, its almost anthropological intolerance to criticism and dissent.
It is the monarch of Arcore had thought of everything so that his kingdom would be outraged. Cameras everywhere, the logo with his name in huge letters on display, the actions of his courtiers to advance his speech and the speech of Fini, the squire rebel, relegated to late afternoon, when reporters are already planning how to spend the evening.
Then, suddenly, out of the program: a phrase too, and eventually starts to leave and the move will prove a boomerang: the invitation to the stage. And here is the irreparable, on that very ground media and image that Berlusconi had always been monopolized. The role reversal is complete: the leader relegated to the margins of the stage who barks a microphone off while his rival, center stage, complaint, criticism, attacks. Treason!
replication Berlusconi, now on the ropes, is the usual refrain of and confused by the lies and conspiracy against him. Fini reacts again, gets up, points his finger, almost taunting him. The curtain falls.
For the former Alliance leader a victory on the road.
For one who has carried the language of political advertising in a resounding defeat at home, without visiting supporters.
And with the referee in favor.
